Mariutto was the senior mail analyst for President Joe Biden鈥檚 presidential election campaign. He coordinated efforts with a team that spanned the country. 鈥淚t was amazing, and it was very overwhelming,鈥� says Mariutto, who received his bachelor鈥檚 degree in public administration from 麻豆原创.

Despite the rise of social media and digital marketing, direct mail efforts still have a strong hold in campaigning. According to a 2018 Political Digital Advertising Report, 50 percent of total campaign and PAC budgets were spent on television and direct mail.

鈥淢y responsibility as the senior mail analyst was to design the logic behind our computer programs that would say, 鈥楾his person lives in this place and they have these characteristics and these models scores, so they should get this amount of mail, they should receive mail with this content, and they should receive it at this time,鈥欌�� Mariutto says.

What did you do between graduating from 麻豆原创 and landing this position?
My involvement at 麻豆原创 led to my future career path, which took me specifically toward political communications and messaging strategy. After graduation, I interned at the statewide office for Obama for Florida. I was there for a few months, and then moved on to graduate school at the London School of Economics, where I studied politics and communication.

I came back to the U.S. and moved to Washington, D.C., where I worked at a polling firm as an analyst. I was there for three and a half years, then I moved in 2018, for that election cycle, to the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. I was a regional targeting director, which is a regional analytics position for the Midwest and Mountain West, [focused on helping] elect all the congressional candidates that we were working with. That was an extremely interesting and enlightening experience that covered the gamut of polling, paid communications, targeting and opinion research and melding them together in order to deliver messages to the right people at the right time in the right format.

What was it like working on a major presidential campaign like this 鈥� in the midst of a global pandemic?
One of the biggest challenges of working on a presidential campaign for a challenger to an incumbent president is time. When you鈥檙e a challenger for president, you have much less time to begin to plan and lay the groundwork, get all the technology in place, hire staff to do all the planning and do all the research than your opponent does. As part of that process, I was hired in July of 2020, so only a few months before the election. I essentially had a month to do all the infrastructural work necessary to stand up the campaign’s mail program, and it was all being done remotely.

It was a whole new level of challenge, and we demonstrated that it’s possible to band together amid pandemic conditions. A presidential campaign is a team that collectively comes together and makes personal sacrifices for several months in order to accomplish the job and carry our candidate over the finish line. It’s one that I’m very proud to have been a part of, but also couldn’t have done without my colleagues making the same contribution.

Did COVID-19 affect your work in other ways?
While I wouldn’t say that the mail program was even more helpful because of the pandemic, I would say it took on more importance. The mail certainly was delayed and that factored into our concerns and our thought process when designing a program for the presidential campaign.

When you think back to your time at 麻豆原创 and your various internships and experiences, did you ever think that you鈥檇 be part of a presidential campaign?
While at 麻豆原创, I did not imagine that I would be in this position because I was still trying to think of what I wanted to do with my life, but 麻豆原创 gave me the flexibility and the room to explore all my various interests. The experiences that I had with my internships really helped solidify that, especially my communications role with the Florida College Democrats and seeing communication roles up close while interning for President Obama’s reelection campaign. 麻豆原创 gave me the background and the tools needed to apply my knowledge to this rapidly developing field and be able to succeed and take on such a commanding position.

Now that the election is over, what鈥檚 next for you?
I鈥檝e moved back to D.C. because I accepted a position with the civil service at the Department of State. I’m going to be working in their Bureau of Global Public Affairs doing survey research internationally. This furthers my interest in political communications, public affairs, and communications targeting and research, especially in the international context that I have found interesting for several years. I’m very excited to get to work.

Frey leaves a long legacy of service to the United States and Central Florida. He had a hand in both establishing Kennedy Space Center as the home of the space shuttle program and appealing to President Richard Nixon to turn over McCoy Air Force Base to the city of Orlando. That base would later become Orlando International Airport.

The 麻豆原创 connection started with Frey鈥檚 donation of his congressional archives to 麻豆原创 in 2002 to create the Lou Frey Institute of Politics and Government. The institute promotes the development of enlightened, responsible and actively engaged citizens through experiential learning and civic education. That mission was boosted through a partnership with former U.S. Sen. Bob Graham to create the Florida Joint Center for Citizenship, which is housed in the Lou Frey Institute.

鈥淟ou appealed to so many in this state for his honor, his attention to constituents and his love of Florida and his country,鈥� says Stephen Masyada, interim executive director of the Lou Frey Institute and director of the Florida Joint Center for Citizenship.

Frey was an attorney by trade, holding positions as assistant county solicitor for Orange County and counsel for the Florida Turnpike Authority before running for office as a Republican. His tenure representing Central Florida extended five consecutive terms before retiring undefeated in 1979. He also ran for U.S. Senate and Florida governor.

His political influence continued long after leaving office, including stints as committee member on the presidential campaigns of Gerald Ford, Bob Dole and George W. Bush. Frey shared that wealth of knowledge as a frequent speaker through the institute on topics including homeland security, the space program, and church and state.

Senior Fellow Doug Dobson said Frey was happiest when he was surrounded by a group of students or teachers. His lectures extended beyond the surface level of 鈥渉ow government works鈥� to include the mental and physical toll of running for office and the demands of life in the public eye. The result was one of the strongest civic education programs in the U.S, which, in turn, is producing students equipped for politics, Dobson says.

鈥淟ou felt an incredible commitment to educating future public servants and passing along his experiences,鈥� Dobson says. 鈥淭hat was part of his life鈥檚 mission.鈥�

The value of civic education cannot be underestimated, says Kerstin Hamann, director of the School of Politics, Security and International Affairs, which houses the Lou Frey Institute. To fully exercise your rights as a citizen, you need to understand how the system works, what the Constitution represents, and our rights and processes, Hamann said.

鈥淭he Lou Frey Institute excels at providing K-12 students with the understanding they need to become educated citizens,鈥� Hamann says.

If you voted, did you change your vote based on the ads?

The marketing of political candidates through advertising has been extensively studied for over 50 years and the research found inconsistent evidence of the efficacy of political advertising in changing someone鈥檚 voting choice.

The commercials for candidates tend to promote 鈥渨hat鈥檚 good about me鈥� or 鈥渨hat鈥檚 bad about my opponent.鈥� The positive ads showed relaxed candidates surrounded by smiling and enthusiastic people from a representative demographic background. The negative ads used unflattering photos or video and comments clearly taken out of context to portray 鈥渨hat鈥檚 bad about鈥� the opposing candidate. Some of the positive ads offered information on the candidate鈥檚 position on various issues although the negative ads generally focused on a candidate鈥檚 unethical or questionable behavior.

I didn鈥檛 believe either one of the approaches although they do stir emotion in me, which is one of the purposes of the ads. Research has found that ads appeal to the emotions of voters, a practice that seems to subvert the rational decision-making on which democratic processes properly rest. This makes me feel manipulated, angry and disappointed in the candidates and the process of marketing the candidates through commercials.

I follow politics because I view it as one of my responsibilities as a citizen. While I鈥檓 not a聽political expert, I feel I鈥檓 informed about issues and the candidates鈥� position on the issues. It鈥檚 what determines my vote.

But what about聽the voters who are uninformed. Does the 鈥渋nformation鈥� in the political ads influence them more than me? Research says that it does. So in these cases, the ads have a dual role: provide information and stimulate emotion to influence their voting behavior.

Political ads that trick people into acting contrary to their interests or on the basis of untruths should be criticized regardless of whether they make an appeal to emotion or logic.

There is mounting empirical evidence that emotions are tied to ebbs and flows of voter participation. In contrast to many aspects of public affairs, evidence to date suggests that emotion has a positive impact on getting citizens involved.

If the ads can get voters to the polls, I鈥檓 all for it.

If the information in the ads is truthful and helps them to make an informed choice in the absence of having any information, I鈥檓 all-in on that too.

尝别迟鈥檚 all get to the polls next time.

William Steiger is an instructor and marketing consultant in 麻豆原创鈥檚 College of Business Administration and coordinator of the college鈥檚 Professional Selling Program. He can be reached at william.steiger@ucf.edu.

A wide variety of activities is envisioned for The India Center, including public presentations and other community outreach, an annual India forum, and scholarly and research activities. Anticipated activities also include exchanges of scholars and students with institutions in India, new courses and fellowships for 麻豆原创 students, a sister-university relationship in India and an expanded permanent India collection at the 麻豆原创 Library.

President John C. Hitt described the project as an ambitious undertaking that aims to enhance partnerships with the Indian community in Central Florida, the nation and throughout the world. 鈥淪uch connections are of key importance in light of India鈥檚 rise to global prominence and its position at the forefront of growth in many fields,鈥� he said.

Tony Waldrop, provost and executive vice president, said, 鈥淭he India Center will enhance the academic experience for our students by providing greater opportunities to develop a global cultural awareness.鈥�

John C. Bersia, special assistant to the president for Global Perspectives, led the effort to secure the major gift and develop the center concept, and he will serve with Political Science Professor Roger Handberg as interim co-chairs of the center.

鈥淲e have already demonstrated that we take India studies very seriously at 麻豆原创,鈥� Bersia said. 鈥淭he enthusiasm for our efforts is clear in the thousands of people 鈥� students, faculty, staff and community members 鈥� who have participated in our India-related programs. Now, we are ready to take on a larger role, that of helping to shape and define the field.鈥�

Handberg added that The India Center is a multidisciplinary undertaking that will 鈥渆quip students to deal with issues in national security, foreign policy, economics and culture at all levels of education 鈥� undergraduate, graduate and the community.鈥�

The center鈥檚 areas of emphasis will include politics, economics and business, technology and communication, culture and health care.

P.N. 鈥淰aidy鈥� Vaidyanathan, an assistant vice president for Research and Commercialization and a member of the advisory board for the new center, called it 鈥渁 welcome expansion of efforts at 麻豆原创 to educate students and the general public about the multifaceted cultural, educational and technological developments that are available through ties with India.鈥�

Deshpande said the center will bring immense benefits to the 麻豆原创 and Central Florida communities.

鈥淲e have worked hard to help build a strong foundation for India studies at 麻豆原创, and it is time to reach in new directions,鈥� he said.

For more information, go to .

鈥淧eople Power, Politics and Global Change鈥� will be held from 8:30 a.m. to 2 p.m. Thursday, Oct. 13, in the Pegasus Ballroom of the Student Union. The conference, hosted by the 麻豆原创 Global Perspectives Office in partnership with the National Conference of Editorial Writers, is part of a yearlong series of presentations on the power people have through formal and informal means to effect political change.

Speakers will include Sam Graham-Felsen, a global emerging media strategist and former chief blogger for Barack Obama鈥檚 2008 presidential campaign. He will explain how social media can contribute to social and political movements.

Fiona Hill, director of the Center on the United States and Europe at The Brookings Institution, will discuss the role social media played in the Russian presidential elections.

Other presenters include Stephen McDowell, director of the School of Communication at Florida State University, who will focus on telecommunications and social media in South Asia, and Ted Reynolds, of the University of St. Andrews and 麻豆原创, who will examine political radicalism and the Internet.

The public is invited to attend the conference, and attendees must register by Thursday, Oct. 6. Registration is $50 per person. The fee, which can be paid at the conference, includes breakfast, lunch, refreshments and conference materials.

The conference is free for 麻豆原创 students, but they also must register in advance.

To register, contact the 麻豆原创 Global Perspectives Office at 407-823-0688 or global@mail.ucf.edu.

In addition to the Global Perspectives Office and the National Conference of Editorial Writers, sponsors and partners of the conference include 麻豆原创鈥檚 Student Government Association, Nicholson School of Communication, Global Peace and Security Studies Program, Diplomacy Program, Terrorism Studies Program, Middle Eastern Studies Program, Political Science Department, International Services Center and China-Taiwan Cross-Strait Program, The India Program at 麻豆原创, 麻豆原创 LIFE, the Sibille H. Pritchard Global Peace Fellowship program, the Orlando Area Committee on Foreign Relations, C.T. Hsu International (Group) Co., Lawrence J. Chastang and The Chastang Foundation, The Anil and Chitra Deshpande India Program Endowed Fund, LarsonAllen L.L.P., the 麻豆原创 Book Festival in association with the Morgridge International Reading Center, and the Global Connections Foundation.

For a full list of upcoming events or to learn more about the Global Perspectives Office, visit .

On Nov. 6, 1860, Abraham Lincoln was elected president of the United States by carrying the near entirety of the North and with essentially zero support in the South. In fact, Lincoln won only two of 996 counties in the South and wasn’t even on the ballot in ten of the 11 states that would ultimately become the Confederacy. Red state versus blue state wasn’t merely a theme tossed about by the day’s political pundits; it was a de facto rule.

Today’s fierce political battles are focused on which direction to take the nation, not whether whole regions want to be a part of it, so the stakes are certainly less dire than what President Lincoln faced in his time. But today’s leaders could still learn a few things about governing a divided nation from a man historians regard as one of the nation鈥檚 greatest presidents.

In the current environment in which merely reaching across the aisle is seen as a sign of moral weakness, Lincoln took great pains to avoid demonizing his opponents.

Merely weeks before the war started with the Confederate shelling of Fort Sumter, Lincoln delivered his inaugural address in a conciliatory tone in the hopes that a peaceful solution to the crisis could be found.

He said: “We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection.”

His ability to take a respectful, even loving tone with members of a rebel movement that threatened the very nature of the United States make the recriminations and ugly language we saw coming from both sides of the health care reform debate seem wildly inappropriate in comparison.

Lincoln was also willing to put policy over politics, taking unpopular positions even when they were not politically expedient.

When it became clear that national sentiment was turning against the war, threatening his 1864 re-election campaign, Lincoln doubled down. Instead of reversing course, he publicly pledged to continue his war strategies even if they led to his defeat. Luckily for him, the North鈥檚 fortunes improved with the capture of Atlanta and Mobile and Lincoln won the election in a landslide.

Perhaps the greatest lesson today’s leaders could learn from Lincoln was how he led with magnanimity.

In the wake of the North’s victory in the Civil War, the tremendous bloodshed and destruction caused by it created a public desire to harshly punish the South for its perceived transgressions. But Lincoln resisted this urge, even in the face of opposition from his own party, to instead focus on an approach that would create the greatest amount of reconciliation and encourage the country to quickly unite and once again live peacefully.

As his own words so appropriately stated in his second inaugural address, Lincoln led with 鈥渨ith malice toward none, with charity for all.鈥� That is something that both the winners and losers of Tuesday鈥檚 elections, and future elections for that matter, would be smart to keep in mind.

Source: Terri Susan Fine, Ph.D. Dr. Fine is a professor of political science at the 麻豆原创 in Orlando and an associate director and senior fellow at the .

I am an advocate of vigorous and healthy debates about international trade and foreign policy, but the demagoguery that has crept into Congressional deliberations on US-China relations 鈥� during the recent currency bill vote, China鈥檚 leadership was derided as a 鈥渃lique of gangsters鈥� 鈥� is unhealthy for our country, for the international system we have championed and led since World War II, and for the people of the United States and China.

The problem with this popular sport of 鈥渂eggar thy neighbor鈥� to raise funds and ensure votes, is that often the neighbor doesn鈥檛 realize it鈥檚 a sport. Pundits in the US watch the Congressional votes against China and opine that the legislation is likely going to end up dying in the Senate (like the biannual politically-charged vote on the 鈥淎rmenian Genocide鈥� resolution). Americans understand what that means, and can agree or disagree as they like. But in other countries like China, where they don鈥檛 understand the clear difference between resolutions and bills or binding and nonbinding, and don鈥檛 have a similar separation of powers where the administration and Congress could be entirely at odds on any given day, the nuances of our system are quite literally lost in translation. The Chinese walk away thinking Americans view them as gangsters, because that鈥檚 what they read in our newspapers.

That is not to say that our policy toward China should be one of passivity or complacence. We need to have more serious and open discussions about these issues, not Congressional hearings that set the 鈥淎merican worker鈥� versus the 鈥淐hinese government鈥� and create false dichotomies that tragically simplify important issues. For the same reason that we bemoan the lack of civility between Democrats and Republicans today, we should also be wary of leaving civility at the wayside when dealing with an extraordinarily complex country like China, which claims the world鈥檚 second-highest GDP as of 2010, but whose citizens barely crack the top 100 in GDP per capita.

We forget, in our rush to score political points, how much a developing China is a driver of the global economy. Many US states are in fact enjoying booming trade with China, including Louisiana, Ohio, and North Carolina. In total, 47 states have registered triple-digit export growth to China since 2000, and 19 states now export more than $1 billion to China each year. What would a trade war do to them? What would a trade war do to our military ties or our cultural ties? On the flip side, what are the reasons that China does not want to revalue its currency right now? What are their concerns about domestic stability and job creation that lead them to embrace exports? These are the questions that I never saw asked as Congress prioritized grandstanding over responsible policymaking.

I am trying to do my part to foster civil dialogue and debate as the founder of a political institute at the 麻豆原创. I am hosting a day-long symposium in April 2011 that will tackle the key issues in the US-China relationship, to be presented to nearly 1,000 students and to be broadcast over the web to students and policymakers around the world. We won鈥檛 whitewash the issues, and we won鈥檛 exclude viewpoints. We will invite Chinese and American politicians, academics and businessmen to have a free and unfettered debate. And I believe that we will learn more, at the end of the day, than anyone ever could through an exercise in political demagoguery. Importantly, we will still respect each other when the day is over.

Too many politicians believe that playing off the fears of voters is the best path towards election, not realizing that the entire world is listening to their harsh or irresponsible statements. Politicians are public servants and have a duty to tell voters the truth. The truth of the matter here is that China is a serious competitor to the United States. But there are opportunities for both parties to benefit. Before we vent our anger at China through legislation and insults on the record, we need to have a much more serious, substantial, and public debate to educate Americans and their policymakers about the true, complex, evolving nature of the US-China relationship.

Lou Frey served in Congress as a Republican from the state of Florida from 1969-1979, and is a past president of the US Association of Former Members of Congress. He is founder and president of the Lou Frey Institute of Politics and Government at the 麻豆原创. He has traveled to China in three different decades.

Source: The Hill, Campaigning against China, by Lou Frey – 10/05/10 10:05 AM ET